Order of Premontre, Premonstratensians, Norbertines, and White Canons

2013

2013

ANALECTA PRAEMONSTRATENSIA, tom. LXXXIX, 2013, fasc. 1-4
 
Articuli:
 
Erik VAN MINGROOT, Hugo van Fosses als kanunnik in Fosses-la-Ville en Cambrai (1087/95-1121/23). Bijdrage tot de ontstaansgeschiedenis van de Orde van Prémontré, p. 5-269
 
(§11) After determining the family background (§5, §10) of Hugh of Fosses (alias Hugo Sartensis, Hugo filius Rogeri), to the extent that it is possible, and the approximate year of his birth (§2), as well as documenting the beginning of his ecclesiastical career in Fosses (§1-2), we shall now focus upon the circumstances of his transfer from the local collegial chapter of Saint-Foillan at Fosses to the cathedral chapter of Our Lady at Cambrai. It appears that his departure must have taken place in 1111. This must have happened as a result of the continually increasing discord in Fosses between the opponents and advocates of the Gregorian reform movement, and from the fact that Hugh’s increasingly Gregorian outlook made his position in the predominantly imperially-minded environment untenable. Secured by means of a thorough internal and external diplomatic study of the foundation dossier, some light is thrown on this matter in the foundation history of the monastery of Saint-Foillan at Le Rœulx (1125), by the progressive faction of the chapter. Hugh’s final decision to leave Fosses at an earlier stage must have been forced by the appointment (c. 1111) of the imperially-minded Liège archdeacon Henry jr. of Montaigu as provost. On the other hand Hugh’s choice of Cambrai was favoured apparently by contacts with the Gregorian faction among the clergy of that city, and was made possible in the same year by the installation, with the imperial fiat, of the reform-minded bishop Odo of Orléans-Tournai (1105-1113). In an episcopal charter for the cathedral from the second half of 1111, there appears unexpectedly, as an incardinated member of the cathedral chapter of Cambrai, an acolyte named Hugh, who could, in our opinion, be identified with none other than Hugh of Fosses. This clearly contradicts the chronology of existing biographical notices.
(§12) In 1113-1116 Hugh experienced the discussions concerning the appointment of a new bishop of Cambrai, Burchard of Aachen (1116-1130) – initially Norbert of Gennep was also named a candidate. Afterwards he was promoted to episcopal chaplain and, for that end, must have received the, at least in Cambrai, obligatory ordination to the subdiaconate. This occurred probably in the second half of 1116, shortly after the consecration of the bishop, and in the context of the ongoing reorganization of the entire Cambrai curia. Using this new information, we can now take up some particular points of attention that have already been examined in order to verify and underpin them. The cathedral city, which was once firmly opposed to reform, actually remained the scene of discord in this period; as a matter of fact, some notorious opponents are presented. Canon Hugh of Fosses, however, sided with the Gregorian group in the cathedral chapter, around dean Erlebold I of Cantigneul (§10), provost Erlebold II of Cantaing, the well-known scholasticus and chancellor Werinbold III of Abancourt, and canon Hugh Abbas (§9). As episcopal chaplain Hugh must have been involved with all the liturgical and administrative tasks which this function entailed, respectively in the domestic chapel, the cathedral, the episcopal palace, household and council. We saw already (§6) that he was involved, for instance, as member of the cathedral choir, with the musical accompaniment of the liturgical services. He must have, as curial chaplain, officially participated in the activities of the episcopal chancellery (§3), and possibly the cathedral scriptorium. However there remains the crucial, and difficult task, of identifying Hugh with the aforementioned notary “BurA” (also §3). A palaeographical and diplomatic excursion must therefore be undertaken in order to demonstrate that BurA, in our view, effectively, belonged to the Cambrai chancellery and that the three charters drafted in his hand (§4) were written there. Subsequently, a tentative link could thereupon be established with the development, under the influence of Abbot Hugh I, of a scriptorium – which functioned at the same time as chancellery – in the abbey of Prémontré.
(§13) In March 1119, Hugh, as chaplain, during the journey in the retinue of bishop Burchard, made his first acquaintance with Norbert of Gennep in the town of Valenciennes. In the secular domain this town belonged to the county of Hainault, on the spot represented by viscount Godfrey of Ribemont-Bouchain. In an ecclesiastical context only the area on the right bank of the Scheldt – admittedly the largest – was subordinate to the diocese of Cambrai. We are now able to integrate the meeting of Norbert and Hugh, described stereotypically in Premonstratensian literature, in both its circumstantial and personal aspects, in the context of Valenciennes-rive-droite. This first-hand knowledge enables us to understand better than previously why one of Norbert’s companions – the subdeacon that became a monk in extremis – was buried in the church of Notre-Dame-la-Grande of the Benedictine provostry of the same name, and why, on the other hand, the two laypeople among his companions were buried in the civic church of Saint-Peter (because of a relevant privilege of the assertive local citizenry). We also now understand better why Norbert had to go to find the bishop, assisted by Hugh, in his residence next to the church of Saint-Géry, the main parish church of the “Cambrai” district of Valenciennes. Moreover, in discussing the meeting between Norbert and Hugh, we take advantage of the opportunity to understand better the figure of bishop Burchard of Aachen, who is explicitly praised in the Vitae of St. Norbert, and was known for his favourable disposition to the Premonstratensians. To determine his position in the investiture controversy, we examine the significance of his decision to accept the bishopric of Cambrai, in contrast with Norbert, his colleague in the imperial court – whose motives should also be thoroughly investigated. Furthermore we become acquainted with two other characters who are somewhat forgotten, but nonetheless important: the anonymous archidiaconus from Vita B Norberti, being archdeacon Thierry I of Osmont (1096-1141), competent for the archdeaconry of Valenciennes (and for Valenciennes-rive-droite), and at the same time cathedral provost and treasurer of Tournai and provost of the chapter of Condé, and, the other, named Werimbald, the dean of Christianity of Valenciennes.
(§14) There exists a diversity of opinions concerning Hugh’s personal situation in his time at Cambrai. It is taken for granted, more specifically, that he had already received his priestly ordination beforehand. Therefore we must delve into the question concerning his actual grade of ordination and corresponding age. It is said that while Hugh arrived in Cambrai as an acolyte (§11), he received ordination to the subdiaconate by his appointment as episcopal chaplain (§12). This investigation consequently must focus on the keywords “subdeacon” (lawful from the age of 20/21) and “chaplain” (25 years old ?). (Anticipating further research: presumably Hugh will be ordained deacon and priest by 1120/21, before he made his first vows in Prémontré as “professioni canonicae attitulatus”.) In any case the chronological information which can be verified, from the second half of 1116, appears to be consistent with the previous suggestion for 1087/88 as the year of Hugh’s birth. As a point of reference, the year of St. Norbert’s birth, usually placed nowadays at 1080/1085, is also subject to review, and likewise all the arguments which have been advanced hitherto for this proposal. Beginning, on our part, from the amicable relations between Burchard and Norbert during their joint formation at the imperial court, and from the conclusion that Burchard, at the turn of 1114/1115, was just no longer a juvenis – calculated, for contextual reasons, on the basis of the Augustinian limit of the juventus at 45 years – and must have been born c. 1070, we suggest that we place the year of Norbert’s birth at an earlier date, at least by five years, to c. 1075. This allows us, while taking into account the storylines of contemporary sources and later commentaries, and the age difference between Norbert and Hugh of about 15 years, to confirm once again that, concerning Hugh, the suggested congruence between the year of birth (1087/88), the year of ordination as subdeacon, and appointment as episcopal chaplain (1116) exists de facto.
(§15) Because a person does not exist in isolation from his surroundings and acquaintances, and in order to recognize the influences that Hugh locally experienced, we explore the city of Cambrai, and try to reconstruct the milieu where he spent ten years of his life. Concerning aspects relating to infrastructure: the walled city of Cambrai, border town of the German empire on the Scheldt and main town of the county of Cambrésis, was architecturally as well as institutionally well provided. It had a cathedral and cathedral chapter (§3, §7), including a chapter cloister, library, school, scriptorium, and chancellery, an episcopal palace with domestic chapel, two other collegial churches and chapters, a regular chapter or abbey, a Benedictine abbey, a hospital, a lazar house, seven parish churches and a chapel for the attendants of the cathedral. The existence of the abbey church of the Holy Sepulcher in the city-centre, the collegial church of Saint-Géry (§7) on the Mont-des-Bœufs (“Mount-of-Olives”), and the Saint-Lazarus leper house in between, inspired the local clergy to promote their town as a replica of the earthly Jerusalem. Concerning the human aspect, the personality of Hugh in this period had been partly shaped by his dealings with the cathedral canons, fifty in total, with their divergent affinities in what concerned the ideals of the Gregorian reform movement: namely, the cathedral dignitaries, each one in their own way directly involved with Hugh, the archdeacons, as well as his fellow canons, among whom were also chaplains (§3), and others who thereafter made a career for themselves and remained contacts during Hugh’s abbacy in Prémontré. Hugh was acquainted also with the superiors of the two abbeys in Cambrai, prominent figures for both the monastic clergy and the clergy of the canons-regular of the entire diocese, and with the local viscount, the episcopal vicedominus, his provost-intendant and his casati or vassals, as well as prominent citizens of the up-and-coming commercial town of Cambrai. All these personal contacts are followed, in principle, until the moment when Hugh of Fosses, at the beginning of May 1119, stood ready to leave Cambrai for the first time in the company of Norbert of Gennep.
 
Ingrid EHLERS-KISSELER, Das Verhältnis der Mainzer Erzbischöfe zu den Prämonstra-tensern im Mainzer Schisma und seine Vorgeschichte, p. 270-306
 
This study is divided in three parts. The first presents a chronological overview of the development of Premonstratensian monasteries inside the archbishopric of Mainz. The second part undertakes a closer examination of the relationship between these Premonstratensian monasteries and the archbishop of Mainz.
The last part of the study is dedicated to the importance of the Premonstratensian Order for the clerical reform. The archbishop gave parish churches to the Premonstratensian monasteries and they established new parish churches as well. The Premonstratensian abbots and provosts were listed in episcopal documents, they were necessary companions or entourage of the archbishop, even in Italy. That is why the Archbishop Konrad of Mainz didn’t harbour a grudge against the Premonstratensians when he returned to Mainz.
The Premonstratensians didn’t join the side of Pope Alexander III. like archbishop Konrad has done, but they stayed with the emperor and his electus Christian of Buch like the Premonstratensians of Magdeburg and other monasteries, although Prémontré himself and the order in France supported Pope Alexander III. But after his arrival in Mainz, Archbishop Konrad drew up documents for Germerode (1186) and for Hachborn (1189). He allowed the Premonstratensians to wear tunicae et superpelliceae. And he gave several charters for the order as well. The Premonstratensian’s support of the establishing of parish churches and the Premonstratensian’s service for the archbishopric was important to him.
Although the statuta prohibited to take on altars, the Premonstratensians accepted to establish spiritual welfare. Like Norbert in Magdeburg, the bishops leaned on the Premonstratensians to reform the clergy of their bishopric and to establish new parish churches.
 
Ingrid JOESTER, Die Wirtschaft der Steinfelder Prämonstratenser, p. 307-335
 
The abbey of Steinfeld in the North Eifel, founded in the 10th or 11th century by Benedictine nuns and turned into an Augustinian monastery in 1121, joined the Premonstratensian order between 1136 and 1142. It achieved a high degree of reputation. At the end of the 13th century it owned 16 bigger farms, some farmsteads and rent owing property in about 50 places. Just like the Cistercians, the abbey of Steinfeld struggled to form bigger manors that were run by lay brothers. The economic crisis in the second half of the 14th century forced the abbey to sell property or to mortgage and lease some of it. The estates were administered by cellarers and provisores who were, with only few exceptions, priest canons. The abbey also owned extensive woodland and did gardening inside its walls. It owned several houses in Cologne and since 1420 a house called “zo der Buytzen”. It became the abbey’s fixed quarters and remained so until Steinfeld was secularized. Since 1615 and 1619 respectively the house harboured the Seminarium Norbertinum. The abbey’s income revenue also comprised rents from fee farms, annuities in corn and money from foreign estates and interests it received for lending money. The abbey engaged in the extraction and smelting of iron ore and lead ore as well as in iron-casting in the Eifel. On July the 26th 1802 it was secularized. Its assets being twice as high as its debits the monastery was economically sound at that time.
 
Documenta:
 
Bernard ARDURA, Quelques documents concernant Jean-Baptiste L’Écuy, Abbé de Prémontré et Général de l’Ordre, p. 336-361
 
Recensiones:
 
Dominique POIREL, Des symboles et des anges. Hugues de Saint-Victor et le réveil dionysien du XIIe siècle (U.G. Leinsle O.Praem.), p. 362-363
 
Hanns Peter NEUHEUSER (Hg.), Bischofsbild und Bischofssitz. Geistige und geistliche Impulse aus regionalen Zentren des Hochmittelalters (U.G. Leinsle O.Praem.), p. 364-365
 
Wilfried SCHÖNTAG, Das reichsunmittelbare Prämonstratenserstift Marchtal (F. Brendle), p. 365-367
 
Georg SCHROTT, Leichenpredigten für bayerische Prälaten der Barock- und Aufklä-rungs-zeit (U.G. Leinsle O.Praem.), p. 367-369
 
Chronicon, p. 370-397
     Index, p. 398-403
Index tomi LXXXIX, 2013, p. 404
 
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