Order of Premontre, Premonstratensians, Norbertines, and White Canons





In memoriam Piet Al O.Praem. (1937-2010), p. 5-9


Jörg R. Müller, Die Gründung und Frühzeit der Prämonstratenserabtei Wadgassen im Spiegel der Kirchen- und Territorialpolitik Erzbischof Alberos von Trier, p. 10-43

Previous research has regarded the foundation of the Premonstratensian house of Wadgassen in ad 1135 as a measure by the counts of Saarbrücken. When we view it in light of the ecclesiastical and territorial policies of Archbishop Albero of Trier (1132-1152), however, we arrive at a much more complex picture. There is evidence to suggest that both the choice of the house’s location and the definition of its religious denomination were influenced by the metropolitan. Already during the early 1120s, when Albero served as archdeacon in Metz and as provost to the collegiate church of St Arnual close to Saarbrücken, he was eager to have the monastic community there reformed by Norbert of Xanten, the founder of the Premonstratensian Order. Following the death of Count Frederick of Saarbrücken, Albero received the endowment for the abbey from Frederick’s widow, Gisela, who renounced all claims of the comital house over them. The fact that Wadgassen eventually became a Premonstratensian settlement is thus not so much a sign of the attraction the new order exerted on members of the secular nobility and ministerial families. Rather, it resulted from the close personal ties between Albero and Norbert and from the leading role played by Premonstratensians in the ecclesiastical policies of the archbishop in the years from 1135 to 1140. Before this background, the claims, recently put forward, that Wadgassen had first been given to a community of regular canons before it joined the Premonstratensian Order, appear less convincing.


Michael Oberweis, Die Weltchronik des Propstes Burchard von Ursberg. Staufische Reichspolitik in universalhistorischer Perspektive, p. 4-69

The Chronicle of the Premonstratensian Provost Burchard of Ursberg († 1231) is one of the most valuable historiographical monuments of the late Hohenstaufen period. As a continuation of the world chronicle of Frutolf and Ekkehard, it starts in 1125 and closes with the years 1229/30. Burchard seems to have had legal knowledge; justice is the benchmark of his historiographical assessments. In the political debates concerning the Reich he is a consequent adherent of the Hohenstaufen; in the German throne dispute he vehemently takes the side of king Philip of Swabia. The supporters of his Guelph rival Otto IV, even pope Innocent III, get criticized sharply. Nevertheless in a longer episode the Chronicle rebukes Philip for the bailment of Ursberg and other religious houses; consequently his murder is seen as the deserved punishment for his disregard of privileges enjoyed by Cistercians and Premonstratensians. But this diatribe clearly has to be regarded as an interpolation, because Burchard himself interprets the violent death of the Hohenstaufen king as an impediment to the dynasty’s rightful claim to the throne. In this line of thought the ascendancy of the young Frederic II is read as an act of Divine Providence. In Burchard’s view, the king’s excommunication by pope Gregory IX is an obvious breach of law and the following invasion of the Kingdom of Sicily a portent for the ruin of the church.


Andreas Neuburger, Prämonstratensische Reichspolitik am Ende der Gegenreformation. Die Äbte Johann Christoph Härtlin von Weißenau und Georg Schönhainz von Adelberg und die württembergische Klosterfrage, p. 70-97

During the first half of the 17th century, two canons emerged out of the Swabian Circary of the premonstratensian order playing an important role during the final episode of counterreformation. Johann Christoph Härtlin (1583-1654) was abbot of Weißenau and director of the Reichsprälatenkollegium. Due to this, he was in charge of organising the corporations policy towards the Holy Roman Empire and its institutions. Together with Georg Schönhainz (1596-1673) from Rot an der Rot, Härtlin and the premonstratensian monasteries in Swabia got involved in the political struggle endeavouring the restitution and permanent ownership of religious properties secularised during the 16th century. Emperor Ferdinand II. decided in his Restitutionsedikt in favour of the Catholic side. In 1629, the duchy of Wurttemberg had to restitute 15 monasteries. Schönhainz became abbot of the restituted Adelberg. In the following years, he, Härtlin and their colleagues tried to safe the acquired monasteries from being once more returned to the Protestants. Because of the political development during the second half of the Thirty Years’ War and the incapability of agreeing to any compromise, Härtlin and Schönhainz lost all support. The peace treaties of Münster and Osnabrück decided against the intransigent Catholics. Their formal protest against the peace of Westphalia had no effect; in 1648 all monasteries had to be given back to the duke of Wurttemberg.


Ulrich G. Leinsle, Die Oliva sacrarum Meditationum der Weißenauer Priors Gallus Klessel († 1633). Ein Betrach­tungs­buch aus der Ordensreform des 17. Jahrhunderts und seine Nachwirkung, p. 98-123

In 1665 the Oliva sacrarum meditationum of the Prior of Weißenau dr. iur. can. Gallus Klessel (ca. 1581-1633) was released posthumously, a collection of meditations to the Sunday gospels through all days of the year. Klessel had studied at Dillingen and Rom and has been priest and prior in Weißenau (1616, 1624-1633). The opus, which has been serving as daily lection at table in Weißenau, originated about 1624, therefore during the period of the reform of the Suavian Circary under the influence of Servatius de Lairuelz. His Optica regularium in this case is transferred into the simplified mode of Jesuit meditations and adjusted to a suavian abbey with communal life and parish ministry in a partial Protestant environment. The Oliva was reprinted in 1683 and in 1725. The Prior of Ilbenstadt Wilhelm Slüter († 1707) translated it into German for the female canonry of Niederilbenstadt and published the translation at Cologne in 1686. He partly took it as the basis for his collection of sermons Oliva nova sacrarum concionum in 1693, which made Klessel’s ideas available to a broader public, however excluding the specific monastic contents.


       Jochen Ossenbrink, Die Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Klosters Clarholz. I. Teil: Die Besitzgeschichte, p. 124-207

In 1133 and 1134 nobleman Rudolf von Steinfurt handed over his inherited properties in Frisia, Overijssel and Westphalia for the foundation of a Premonstratensian monastery with a convent in Lette and a monastery in Clarholz which admitted mainly aristocrats. The community of the canonesses already perished in the 15th century whereas the canons in Clarholz served the purpose of the endowment until its violent abolition in 1803. The Dutch properties initially consisted of uncultivated land at the Zuiderzee which was reclaimed later and then predominantly used as pasture. Concerning the Westphalian properties they comprised besides 2 chapels another 3 courts (curtes, Höfe) and 16 hides of land (mansos, Hufen) in Muenster Bay where different crops were grown and also there were incomes from the tithe. By further acquisitions, dotations and endowments the property grew and in 1231 already consisted of 3 churches, 20 courts, 45 hides of land, 2 mills, 1 saltworks and further tithe incomes. Until 1375 the earnings, properties and rights of the monastery were further increased until the agrarian crisis and local feuds resulted in a standstill and losses. The Dutch property was sold in 1549. Since the late Middle Ages numerous small and very small settlements (casae, Kotten) newly emerged in the grounds of the monastery in Clarholz and Lette. In the 17th and 18th century further properties were bought. The private economy of the monastery contained around 549 ha. Bondsmen of the monastery managed 75 bequested sites (courts and hides) and 160 crofts at this time. Many others gave the tithe or paid interest or delivered a rent for houses, arable land and gardens belonging to the monastery in the country and in the towns of Ahlen, Beckum and Warendorf.



Bernard Ardura, Nicolas Psaume et l’Université de Pont-à-Mousson, p. 208-224



Szabolcs Anzelm Szuromi, Medieval canonical collections of the Norbertine Abbey of Weissenau in the Hermitage of St. Petersburg, p. 225-239

Xavier Lavagne d’Ortigue, Quelques renseignements sur les derniers religieux de Cuissy, p. 240-257



Anselm von Havelberg, Anticimenon. Über die eine Kirche von Abel bis zum letzten Erwählten und von Ost bis West. Eingeleitet, übersetzt und kommentiert von Hermann Josef Sieben (U.G. Leinsle O.Praem.), p. 258-259

L’École de Saint-Victor de Paris. Influence et rayonnement du Moyen Âge à l’Épo­que moderne. Colloque international du C.N.R.S. pour le neuvième centenaire de la fondation (1108-2008), ed. Dominique Poirel (U.G. Leinsle O.Praem.), p. 260-262

Manuela Oberst, Exercitium, Propaganda und Repräsentation. Die Dramen-, Perio­chen- und Librettosammlung der Prämonstratenserabtei Marchtal (1657 bis 1778) (W. Schöntag), p. 262-265

The Gate of Knowledge. Philosophical Hall of the Strahov Library (B. Ardura O.Praem.), p. 266-267


Chronicon, p. 268-308

Index, p. 309-316

Index tomi LXXXVII, 2011, p. 317-318

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